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Woman's Estate (Radical Thinkers), by Juliet Mitchell
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Combining the energy of the early seventies feminist movement with the perceptive analyses of the trained theorist, Woman’s Estate is one of the most influential socialist feminist statements of its time. Scrutinizing the political background of the movement, its sources and its common ground with other radical manifestations of the sixties, Woman’s Estate describes the organization of women’s liberation in Western Europe and America. In this foundational text, Mitchell locates the areas of women’s oppression in four key areas: work, reproduction, sexuality and the socialization of children. Through a close study of the modern family and a re-evaluation of Freud’s work in this field, Mitchell paints a detailed picture of patriarchy in action.
- Sales Rank: #2338632 in Books
- Published on: 2015-01-27
- Released on: 2015-01-27
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 7.75" h x .58" w x 5.11" l, .81 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 184 pages
Review
“The quality of Mitchell’s thinking is revealed by her ability both to be critical of certain aspects of the women’s movement, and yet keep herself free of the bitterness and disillusion of radicals of an older generation.” —Richard Sennett, New York Review of Books
About the Author
Juliet Mitchell is Professor of Psychoanalysis and Gender Studies at the University of Cambridge. She is the author of Psychoanalysis and Feminism; Siblings: Sex and Violence; and Mad Men and Medusas.
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A FAMED PSYCHOANALYST AND FEMINIST ARGUES FOR WOMEN’S LIBERATION “FIRST”
By Steven H Propp
Juliet Mitchell (born 1940) is a British psychoanalyst and socialist feminist, who taught English literature from 1962 to 1970 at Leeds University and Reading University. She Professor of Psychoanalysis and Gender Studies at Cambridge University, before in 2010 being appointed Director of the Expanded Doctoral School in Psychoanalytic Studies at Psychoanalysis Unit of University College London. She has written/edited other books such as Psychoanalysis And Feminism: A Radical Reassessment Of Freudian Psychoanalysis, Feminine Sexuality: Jacques Lacan and the école freudienne, Selected Melanie Klein, etc.
She wrote in the Preface to this 1971 book, “women are an oppressed people, we can learn about this oppression by using the ‘politics of experience,’ we can combat oppression by attacking the agents and institutions of power… to produce either ‘equality’ or the ‘liberated self’: ‘whole people.’ We have… to discuss the specific features of woman’s situation that most clearly locate her oppression… The family and the psychology of femininity are clearly crucial here… it is within the development of her feminine psyche and her ideological and socio-economic role as mother and housekeeper that woman finds the oppression that is hers alone. As this defines her, so any movement for her liberation must analyze and change this position.” (Pg. 14)
She says in the first chapter, “the ‘middle class’ composition of Women’s Liberation is not an unhappy fact… but an intrinsic fact of feminist awareness. The most economically and socially underprivileged woman is bound much tighter to her condition by a consensus which passes it off as ‘natural.’… a college-educated girl spending her time studying ‘home economics’ for an academic degree is at least in a position to ask ‘why?” (Pg. 22)
She asserts, “The ideological dimensions of the revolution are likely to come initially from within the ideologically dominant class. Clearly nothing will be achieved within this sphere alone… In a consumer society the role of ideology is so important that it is within the sphere of ideology that the oppressions of the whole system sometimes manifest themselves most apparently. It is here that middle-class radicalism has its place. This should not mislead us into thinking that attacking the institutions and agents of the superstructure is a middle-class occupation and that, say, students must just ally with workers who will bring in the economic struggle… the role of OPPRESSED groups, that is those groups which experience their oppression as much culturally as economically, is increasingly important. Women are an oppressed half of the population.” (Pg. 34-35)
She explains, “for most of this book I have used the term ‘feminist’ and ‘liberationist’ interchangeably and refer to the whole movement as the Women’s Liberation Movement. Briefly, liberationists see the oppression of women as one … of the many oppressions experienced by different people in pre-socialist societies; radical feminists contend it is the major and primary one in all societies.” (Pg. 51)
She clarifies, “The separatist politics of Women’s Liberation may have come out of one of the chief manifestations of women’s oppression.: their diffidence… Women’s Liberation both counteracts the oppressed behavior of women in our society … and provides a political base for the analysis of this oppression. Such a separatist movement in no way excludes the awareness of other oppressed groups under capitalism, nor does it pretend that the society does not harm men, too. The movement is largely anti-capitalist…” (Pg. 58)
She points out, “Women’s Liberation is crucially concerned with that area of politics which is experienced as personal. Women… find that what they thought was an individual dilemma is a social predicament and hence a political problem… In this way a personal incident that was condemned to the oblivion of privacy is examined as a manifestation of the oppressed conditions women experience: the personal is seen to be a crucial aspect of the political.” (Pg. 61)
She argues, “Feminism unites women at the level of their total oppression---it is all-inclusive… Its politics match this: it is a total attack. The theory backs this: the first division of labor was the first formation of oppressor and oppressed---the first division of labor was between man and woman. The first domination must be given priority---it must be the first to go.” (Pg. 87)
She admits, “The oppressed consciousness of all groups contributes to the nature of this socialist ideology---if any oppressed awareness is missing from its formation that is its loss. Feminist consciousness has been inadequately represented in the formation of socialist ideology, as the oppression of women has, so far, been inadequately combatted in socialist revolutions.” (Pg. 96)
She suggests, “the attempt to focus women’s existence exclusively on bringing up children, is manifestly harmful to children as well… Exclusive maternity is often… ‘counter-productive.’ The mother discharges her own frustrations and anxieties in a fixation on a child. An increased awareness of the critical importance of socialization, far from leading to a restitution of classical maternal roles, should lead to a reconsideration of them---of what makes a good socializing agent who can genuinely provide security and stability for the child.” (Pg. 146)
She concludes, “In the home the social function and the psychic identity of women as a group is found. Class differences at work… are here obliterated for status differences: ‘wealthy,’ ‘middling,’ ‘poor.’ This is not to underestimate these. But the position of women as women takes precedence; oppressed whatever their particular circumstances. Hence the importance of feminist consciousness in any revolution… Hence Women’s Liberation.” (Pg. 182)
This book is one of the “classics” of the early days of the Women’s Movement, and will be of great interest to anyone studying this movement and era.
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